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6B.
HUMAN RIGHTS:
SPECIFIC
GROUPS
Ethnic
minority groups
6.112.
In general, the Government does not discriminate on the
basis of race.
[2b] Although In some instances, it discriminated on
the basis of language, such as with the Kurds, Azeris,
and Ahwazi Arabs. [4m]
The majority are ethnic Persians. The largest ethnic
minority in Iran are the Azaris. Other minorities
include the Kurds, the Arabs of Khuzistan, the Baluchis
of Baluchistan and Sistan, the Bakhtiaris of the
Bakhtiari mountains, the nomadic Qashqais of
central/southeast Iran, and the nomadic Sunni border
tribe of Turkomans.
Kurds
6.113.
The Kurds are believed to number about 6 million and
live in the northwest of the country, principally in the
province of Kurdistan, along the borders with Iraq and
Turkey. The Islamic regime deals harshly with rebellious
Kurdish leaders seeking autonomy - notably those of the
Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran KDPI and the Marxist
Komaleh - and their militant supporters. [3b][4e]
Iranian troops are permanently stationed in Kurdish
areas and also monitor the activities of members of the
Iraqi Kurdish Democratic Party in the areas.
[3b] However, ethnic Kurds can be found in all walks
of life in Iran both in the private and public economic
sectors as well as in Iran's military and civilian
establishments.
[3a][4e]
6.114.
Most
Kurds are Sunni Muslims but there is a minority of Shi'i
Muslim Kurds in Iran, primarily in the province of
Kermanshah. While the Kurds in Iran traditionally had a
nomadic component to their society, most have been
settled due to government policy. The Kurds speak
several dialects of the Kurdish language and are divided
into many tribes. [33]
6.115.
The
status of the Kurds in Iran remains basically unchanged
since 1989. The UN Special Rapporteur reported that the
Government appeared to be encouraging Kurdish cultural
expression, and subsidizing some Kurdish language
classes. The number of Kurdish publications increased,
and discussion of limited Kurdish TV broadcasting began.
However, there was still no public school education in
the Kurdish language. [4m] The KDPI and Komala are still engaged in a military
campaign in an effort to gain regional autonomy, mostly
using bases in the part of Iraq which is now the Kurdish
autonomous zone. [33]
In late 2000, a Kurdish Member of Parliament publicly
alleged the existence of a campaign of repression and
serial killings against the Kurdish community in Iran
and in the following
year, in October 2001, all six members of the Iranian
Parliament from Kurdistan province collectively
resigned. Their joint letter to the Interior Minister
claimed that the legitimate rights of the Kurds,
especially the Sunni amongst them, were being denied.
Whilst there are a number of Kurdish MPs they are not
able to form a pro-Kurdish party and they hold their
seats as independent candidates. [10u]
Arabs
6.116.
The
Arabs in Iran probably date back to the Arab conquest
during the 7th and 8th centuries which brought Islam to
Iran. The main factor that differentiates them from
Iran's Persian speaking majority is that they speak one
of several dialects of Arabic. [33]
At least two million Arabs, mainly Shi'a Muslims,
live in Iran, chiefly in Khuzestan and in the south. The
Sunni Arabs tend to live on the Gulf coastline. [3a]
About 40% live in urban areas and the majority of these
urban Arabs are unskilled workers. Some urban Arabs and
most rural Arabs are tribally organized. These tribal
loyalties can have a major impact not only on a societal
level but also on political considerations. The rural
Arabs of Khuzestan are mostly farmers and fishermen and
many of those that live along the Persian Gulf coastal
plains are pastoral nomads. These areas contain most of
Iran's oil reserves. [33]
Many are employed in the agriculture and oil
industries. [3a]
6.117.
Both
the urban and rural Arabs of Khuzestan are intermingled
with the Persians, Turks and Lurs who also live in the
province and often intermarry with them. Despite this,
Iranian Arabs are regarded by themselves and by Iran's
other ethnic groups as separate and distinct from
non-Arabs. [33]
6.118.
The Government of Iraq, both before and after Iran's
1979 revolution, accused Iran of discrimination against
its Arab population. Despite this, the Arab population
of Khuzestan sided with Iran during the Iran-Iraq war. [3a][33]
Outside of Khuzestan there is little ethnic
solidarity among Iran's Arabs. The division between
Shi'i and Sunni Muslims also hampers ethnic solidarity. [33]
6.119.
The
Arab Political Cultural Organization APCO was formed in
1979. It requested some concessions in April 1979 and
was given the green light to form a provincial council
with limited autonomy. Unrest occurred afterwards due to
the presence of Revolutionary Guards, especially in the
Khuzestani city of Khorramshahr. The unrest continued
and escalated when the Arabs started bombing oil
refineries and pipelines on "Black Wednesday"
June 14, 1979. On April 30, 1980, they seized the
Iranian embassy in London in order to free 91 Arabs
imprisoned in Iran. [33]
6.120.
However attempts to gain autonomy gave way to support
for Iran during the Iran-Iraq war. [33]
6.121.
Foreign
representatives of the Ahwazi Arabs of Khuzistan, whose
numbers could range as high as 4 million or more,
claimed that their community in the southwest of the
country suffered from discrimination. They claimed that
the Ahwazis were denied the right to study, speak,
publish newspapers, and educate their children in
Arabic, and that the use of Arabic names for babies was
prohibited except for ordinary Shi'a religious names.
They asserted that the Government has ignored their
appeals to de-mine the vast stretches of Khuzistan which
were mined during the Iran-Iraq War, and that
consequently, many people, especially children,
continued to be maimed by mines. [4m]
6.122.
Like every other group, in terms of levels of
discrimination, Arabs do not openly express their ethnic
identity. However during the February 2000 elections
police fired at crowds of demonstrators protesting
against alleged ballot rigging in two towns in
southwestern Iran, Shush and Shadegan, killing eight and
wounding scores more, [5aab]
and there is some evidence of riots in Abadan that have
been connected to the fact that Khuzestan as a province
has been neglected by the central Government. [3c]The
riots in Abadan began on Wednesday 5 July 2000 with a
peaceful demonstration outside the office of the
Governor of Abadan Mr Nazemi, close to Bassij Square,
which was formerly Taiib Square. Between 7,000 and 8,000
demonstrators (residents of Abadan) protested from 8
a.m. against the poor quality of the drinking water. The
fact that the drinking water contained too much salt was
a problem which was known to everyone. The first three
hours of the demonstration went by peacefully. Riots
then broke out on and around Bassij Square, and the tone
of the demonstration became political rather than
social. A total of around 300 people were arrested and
It was rumoured that a few people were killed. [43]
6.123.
There have been death sentences, although those
convicted had been involved in violent acts such as the
bombing of offices and liaisons, etc. [3c] As recently as January 2002 five Arab activists were
hanged in Ahvaz for arms
smuggling. According to the Ahwazian Arab Peoples
Democratic and Popular Front,
an organisation based in Europe, another five men
have recently been condemned to death in Ahvaz,
apparently for opposing the Government's policy of land
seizures in the region [9o]
and on 10 June 2002, according to Amnesty
International, a sixteen year old, a member of Iran's
Arab minority, was reportedly detained without charge at
Tehran's Mehrabad airport. Detained with other
individuals, not specifically Arab, he was held in
connection with passport and visa violations, though the
arrest may have been politically motivated. [9m]
Amnesty has expressed concern in terms of possible
torture and illegal detention.
[9m]
Baluchis
6.124.
The Baluchis are Sunni Muslims, numbering between one
and two million. [3a] Iranian Baluch are not targeted as a group and not
persecuted unless they are involved in some general
opposition-related activities. They are mainly
concentrated in Baluchistan province at the border with
Pakistan and Afghanistan. [3c] There are large areas in these provinces that are not
under the control of the Iranian authorities. In
addition, the jails are overcrowded with Afghans and
Baluchis who have been lured into the lucrative drug
trade. [3c]
6.125.
The
situation of the Baluchis since 1989 seems to have
remained unchanged, both economically and politically.
They still inhabit some of the poorest regions in Iran
and still are denied autonomy by the Iranian government.
[33] The
Baluchi grievances have related to discrimination
against them in the economic, educational, cultural and
political fields. A number of Baluchi Sunni leaders have
been killed, and it has been suggested that the
circumstances could be taken to suggest the involvement
of the authorities in their deaths.
[10u]
Azeris
6.126.
Iranian Azeris are not targeted as a group and not
persecuted unless they are involved in some general
opposition-related activities. [3c]
The Azerbaijanis,
also known as the Azeris,
are the largest minority in Iran composing between one
quarter and one third of Iran's population estimates
vary because the Iranian census does not count Azeris
specifically. They are Shi'i Muslims and in most
respects similar to the rest of the Iranian population. [33] Many prominent Iranian Shi'i clerics have been and are Azeris.
The one factor that differentiates them from the rest of
the Iranian population is that their native language is
Azeri Turkish. They live in the northwestern provinces
of East and West Azerbaijan as well as in Tehran and
scattered communities in between these provinces and
Tehran. [33]
6.127.
For
a brief period after the revolution, the Azeri language
press flourished. Also, with Soviet encouragement and
support, Azeri nationalism and the desire for autonomy
began to resurge. However, the Iranian Government
considered this nationalism to be the result of Soviet
interference in Iranian affairs and began to repress
this resurgent nationalism in the early 1980s. After
1981, there were few reports of disturbances and by
1984, only one of the many Azeri language publications
remained. The Azeris,
as of the late 1980s, have participated in the Iranian
government at a national level as much as any other
group, including ethnic Iranians, up to the highest
levels of government. [33]
6.128.
The
Azeris have no illegal or legal political
parties or organizations. As has been the case since the
mid-1980s, the Azeris
have not had to deal with much repression or
discrimination. The Iranian government prefers to
emphasize the cultural similarities between the Persian
speaking majority of Iran and the Azeris.
The only repression or discrimination that occurred
since the revolution has been immediately after the
revolution in order to repress the stirring Azeri
nationalism and demands for autonomy. [33] Nevertheless, there have been complaints about
discrimination against Azeris by the Iranian regime,
particularly against Turkic speaking Azeris. One
commentator writes of the dominance of a policy of
'Persian chauvinism' leading to the removal of the Azeri
language from official use in all areas such as schools,
courts, government structures and the army as well as
the prohibition of some forms of Azeri cultural
expression. [10u]
Women
6.129.
Iranian
women were very much involved in the 1979 Revolution.
Women were told to take to the streets and participate
in the overthrow of the Shah and in the establishment of
an Islamic State. While initially women in the
Revolution were heralded as heroic militants, gradually
the clerical elite has come to describe the ideal woman
as an obedient wife and mother. [3c]
6.130.
Both the Constitution and international conventions
adopted by Iran grant men and women equal rights. This
conforms to Islamic criteria. Further, Article 21 of the
Constitution stipulates that the government shall
guarantee women's rights in all respects and create a
favourable atmosphere for restoring their material and
spiritual rights.
[3b]
6.131.
This is not to say that women do not face social and
legal discrimination. [4f] The view of women in a primarily familial context and
motherhood role continues to be encouraged. Women may
work or study,
[4k] although some areas of study are closed to
women, female students are segregated from male
teachers, and social constraints inhibit their
opportunities.
[2d]This said, the literacy level was more than
80per cent among Iranian women in 1998 [14a]
and may now be above 90 per cent. [10b]
In a recent statement made by the adviser to the
President on Women's Affairs, it was reported that the
percentage of 6-14 year old girls attending school had
increased from 94 per cent to 97 per cent and that the
percentage of girls accepted at universities had
increased to 64 per cent. [5aj]
The choice of a woman's occupation depends on her
husband, who may prevent her working if he deems it
contrary to the family's interest, although he must
prove this to the Special Civil Tribunal. [2d][3c] Women workers are subject to difficulties in the
work place particularly as a result of entrenched
cultural attitudes. [21aaq]
6.132.
The State enforces gender segregation in most public
spaces, and prohibits women mixing openly with unmarried
men or men not related to them. Women must ride in
a reserved section on public buses, although the first
woman bus driver has just taken to the roads, [21aae]
and must enter public buildings, universities, and
airports through separate entrances, although this
restriction does not appear to be enforced universally
and is often because they have to go through security
checks. It means that the checks can be carried out by a
woman. Women are prohibited from attending male
sporting events, [4h]
although foreign women have been allowed to watch
international football matches in Iran and it was
announced in early January 2003 that a Tehran football
club - Paykan - had started to allow women into its'
stadium to watch games. [17e]
In August 2002 the authorities banned women as well as
youths under 25, from smoking the Middle Eastern Water
Pipe, or Narguileh, in Tehran's restuarants and cafes.
As part of a bid to maintain "social
discipline".
[ 5ap]
6.133.
However,
in a report dated January 30 2003, it has been said that
many of these restrictions are being eroded.[39a]
6.134.
30per cent of doctors are said to be women.
[10b] However, in 1998 the Majles passed legislation
that mandated segregation of the sexes in the provision
of medical care. The bill provided for women to be
treated only by female physicians and men by male
physicians and raised questions about the quality of
care that women could receive under such a regime,
considering the current imbalance between the number of
trained and licensed male and female physicians and
specialists. [4h]
This law is almost universally ignored without problem.
Women's recruitment to the police force was approved in
1998, though mainly to work in women-related functions;
it was announced on 29 August 2002 that soon, in Zanjan
Province, female police officers will carry out patrol
duties [5ai] and
soon similar units will become active in other
provinces. It is anticipated that by early 2003 there
will be at least 400 qualified policewomen joining male
colleagues on the streets of Tehran [21aad] In May 2003 it was expected that Iran's first female
police officers would graduate in August 2003 [21aap]and
they did in fact graduate on 04 October 2003. [21aay]
Women journalists now have their own professional
association. [10b]
and the first female university chancellor has been
appointed, albeit to a women's university. [10b]
6.135.
In the political field, women have been appointed to two
positions of some responsibility by President Khatami,
with Masumeh Ebtekar appointed as the first female vice
president for environmental protection thereby giving a
woman Cabinet rank for the first time since the founding
of the Islamic Republic.
[1a][4b] and Azam Nouri as Deputy Minister of
Culture and Islamic Guidance, both in 1997. He has also
appointed a woman to serve as Presidential Advisor in
the Foreign Ministry's Department for Women and Social
Affairs. One of the district mayors of Teheran is also
female. However,
women held only 13 of the 290 Majlis seats during the
year 2002. [1a][4g][4h][4m][26i] On 27 May 2002 it was reported that
the Government was planning to employ women in the
Foreign Ministry as secretaries and charge d'affaires. [5ak]
6.136.
Women have been appointed to four positions of female
family court judge by President Khatami.
[3b] However, the role of the four female judges was
challenged and described as symbolic, as judicial
consultants brought in to improve the image of women in
Iran for the benefit of the international community. [10j][10m] Their authority is limited principally to
family law cases.
[4f] Following the first female prosecutor
appointment in 1996, twenty women were reported to be
training as investigative judges.
[3b] Women have also been appointed to senior
diplomatic positions overseas although women must be
married to serve overseas as diplomats. These
developments indicate some change in the situation of
women within Iran. [10b]
6.137.
Women suffer discrimination in the legal code, [3c]
particularly in family and property matters. This is
the area that affects women most badly. It is difficult
for many women, particularly those living outside large
cities, to obtain legal redress. Under the
legal system, women are denied equal rights of testimony
and inheritance.
[10j] In a bill passed by the Majlis 22 May 2002
gave divorced mothers the same custody rights over boys
as girls [5al] and
now awaits Guardian Council. It should be appreciated
that it is necessery for the Guardian Council to approve
any legislation before it can become law and in areas
such as this it is highly unlikely that tey will so
approve. A woman's testimony is worth half that of a
man's, making it difficult for a woman to prove a case
against a male defendant.
[9c]
6.138.
Violence against women in the family is recognised, with
“blood money” - Diyah. Although the award to a women
will be only half of that made to a man. In addition,
families of female victims of violent crimes are
reported to have to pay for an assailant's court costs.
The "blood money" paid to the family of a
female crime victim is half the sum paid for a man, and
will remain so even if the new law passed by the Majlis
equalizing "blood money" for Muslims and
non-Muslims is accepted by the Guardian Council. Any
change would only pertain to men. [4m]
Little detail is known of the degree of domestic
violence in Iran, with no official statistics on abuse
within the family
[4f] although Surveys (eg Tehran University surveys)
indicate levels of domestic violence are very high,
women have almost no legal redress, and there is a fair
amount of social tolerance of domestic violence. Iran
welcomed UN contributions to the drafting of a
convention on the elimination of forced labour and
trafficking in women for sexual and other exploitation. [10n]
6.139.
A prominent Iranian scholar, Ayatollah Bojnourdi, spoke
out in favour of the revision of laws, which are
discriminating between men and women. In 1998 the
judiciary's Bureau of Women's Affairs further said that
legislation meant to reduce hardship for women in
divorce and property cases had not yet properly
implemented.
[10b] In addition to the position of women regarding
evidence of witness, inheritance, retribution and
judgement in civil and penal codes, the continued
arranged marriages of young girls by fathers and
grandfathers was noted.
[10b]
6.140.
Women are given segregated medical treatment following
the recent “Medical Religious Standard Conformity
Act”, other than where emergency wards are used. They
also travel in segregated railway carriages unless
travelling with a male companion; have access to
separate parks within some cities; and can use separate
facilities in a newly opened passport office. While the
Iranian authorities have claimed such steps are for the
safety and convenience of women, they do not represent
gender equality according to international standards. [10m]
6.141.
In December 1997 President Khatami called for a
re-evaluation of religious attitudes towards women, to
“purge practices that are considered religious but are
not”. [10b]
Conservatives responded by trying to ban activism for
women's rights. [8d] In June 1998, Legal scholar Hojatoleslam Sayyid
Mohsen Saidzadeh was convicted by the SCC for his
outspoken criticism of the treatment women under the
law. He was released from prison early in 1999; however,
the Government banned him from performing any clerical
duties for 5 years and prohibited him from publishing. [4g]
A bill aimed at making defence of women's rights outside
legal and Sharia frameworks illegal, passed its second
reading in August 1998. This bill would also prevent
pictures of unveiled women from appearing in the press.
[8d]
6.142.
Limited practical improvement in the condition of women
is evident. The Deputy Speaker in the Majlis has stated
that laws need to be amended before women can enjoy
their full rights. In 1998 the Government published
several papers on a three-year action plan to help
prevent, identify and deal with violence against women [10b]
6.143.
With regard to passports, the requirements are usually
checked when a person wanting to leave applies for a
passport. If the criteria, one of them being the
husband's permission, are not fulfilled the passport
will not be issued. Once you are at the airport you
should not have a problem. There does not seem to exist
a special written permission by the husband for a woman
to leave the country. [3c]
The
Hijab
6.144.
The Hijab modest dress code became mandatory in 1980 and
is required to be worn in all public places regardless
of a woman's religion or citizenship. [3c] Women's hair must be fully covered and their faces free
of make-up. Contravention of the dress code is
punishable by either a verbal reprimand,
[3a][3b] a fine, 74 strokes of the lash [3a][3b][8b] or a prison term of up to three months.
[8b] Enforcement has varied considerably since the
death of Ayotollah Khomeini, and continues to be
enforced arbitrarily.
Thousands of women have been arrested and taken in
for questioning and in some cases flogged; arrests are
carried out by the morality police, the Revolutionary
Guards and the Baseej. Detentions increase during
periods such as the period of Moharram in May 1998,
associated with mourning and piety.
[8d] Failure to observe the Islamic dress code at
work by government workers can result in prosecution
under a law passed in 1993. [4f]
6.145.
The public attempts at loosening the Hijab are driven
predominantly by those aged under 25 years, who make up
60 per cent of the population. There is some evidence
that this rigidity, particularly in Tehran, is
loosening. [40a] The battle between Khatami and the hard-line
conservatives over relaxing the Islamic restrictions
continues. [14a]
6.146.
The
Web is providing a way for women in Iran to talk freely
about taboo subjects such as sex and boyfriends.
[21z] as a result of the increase in the number of
weblogs or online journals. [21z]
Marriage
6.147.
Current law in Iran sanctions two types of marriage:
permanent marriage and temporary marriage called sigheh
or mut'a. Temporary marriage is limited by a period of
time, normally specified in the marriage contract, which
may vary from 1 hour to 99 years. The husband may
terminate the marriage at any time. Men are allowed up
to four permanent wives and an unlimited number of
concubines or temporary wives.
[2d][4f] Muslim men are free to marry non-Muslim
women, but marriage between Muslim women and non-Muslim
men is not recognised. [4f]
6.148.
The marriage rate increased by only 4 per cent from 1987
to1995, whereas the divorce rate increased by 9 per cent
over the same period.
[3b] The showing of the film “Leila” in Teheran
in 1997 generated public debate about the status of
married women, and of multiple marriage in particular.
[10b] The minimum legal age for marriage is 13
years, [4f] Although the Majles have passed a bill raising the age
to 13 for girls and 15 for boys there may be instances,
particularly in rural areas where this will be ignored.
Although marriage at the minimum age is rare. [4h]
All women must have the permission of the father or a
living male relative to marry.
Mehriyeh
6.149.
"One of the most important details to be agreed
upon is to set a "mehriyeh".This is the amount
of monetary compensation that the future husband will
have to pay his wife in the unfortunate case of a
divorce. Mehriyeh has proven to be a fairly effective
insurance policy for the women in a society where there
are limited options after a divorce. The process of
setting the mehriyeh amount is sometimes the subject of
much controversy and business-like negotiations,
occasionally causing one side (or both) to call the
whole thing off! For many aristocratic and modern
Iranian families, a high mehriyeh is a status symbol,
while many religious and orthodox families, as well as
the intellectual types, express their confidence and
faith in the future strength of the new marriage by
setting the mehriyeh to be a very small token amount or
simply a copy of the holy book of Ghoraan (The Moslem
holy book of Qoran) and a couple of pieces of Iranian
crystal sugar rocks! The sugar is to symbolise the
sweetness and joy that is intended and sought from the
marriage." [51]
6.150.
Following the 1979 Revolution in Iran, Islamic leaders
told the populace to procreate and produce an army of 20
million. The population subsequently grew by up to 4 per
cent per annum. However, the clerics now support the
notion of contraception with teachings from the Koran,
and the population growth rate has halved.
[15a]
6.151.
Iran'
s reformist parliament passed a bill on 27 August 2002
which would allow donation of foetuses for the first
time since the 1979 Islamic Revolution but the bill
needs approval by the conservative Guardian Council of
Clerics to become law. [5an]
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